So the important thing to remember is that because in China, students are selected by their performance on an objective national college entrance examination. So in other words if students test below the cut off line they cannot get into [INAUDIBLE] University or Peking University. and in that sense university admissions in China is actually quite passive, at least In the period covered by today's presentation. So, the characteristics that were seen in terms of the increased diversity of factory workers, the increased diversity of female students the Increased lack of diversity with sort of students from flow off families. that this reflects, the performance of students at the Gaokao, at the Chinese college entrance examination. And in that sense, it very much also reflects the composition of the feeder high schools to Peking University and SouZou University. Because while there are 16 to 17,000 high schools for China as a whole, it turns out that Peking University, which ironically draws the students nationally from the entire country. Largely draws almost all of the students from just 3600 of these 16,000 high schools, less than one-quarter. At SzuHo University which only draw from one province, Jounsun Province draws its students from 7500 Of these high schools. Again, less than half of the total number of high schools in China. Indeed, as you can see from the this slide which shows you the number of student feeder schools to Peking and Suzhou University and the number of students they send. You can see that just 40 High schools for Peking University and ten for Shenzhen University send 500 or more students whereas 1,000 high schools for Peking University and 3,000 high schools for Shenzhen University in the entire half century that this, covered by this study send just one student. So, in other words what we're looking at is the results of the students performance on the [UNKNOWN] and these performances are largely dictated by the diversity of the students from the elite feeder high schools, the best high schools in China. The ones who've sent 200 or more students, 500 or more students to Peking University and Souzho g/ University. Now indeed it turns out that for Peking University almost all the students come from what are called the Provincial Key Point Schools, the [FOREIGN] senior high schools. China has four different tabulations of elite. Provincial high schools the first tabulation was in 1981 and there's only 700 of these 16,000 high schools that are designated to be Provincial Key Point Schools, but over half of all students in Peking University come from this 700 high schools, 3 quarters come from the 4000 1990's key point schools even in Beijing,where the cutoff point is 10 per 1000 or 3 per 10000 or 1 per 100,15 schools provide 1 3rd of all students to the PKU university, especially of course PKU university of course uh, [UNKNOWN] university, high school and so on. In SZU University we see very much the same pattern but just at not such an elite level. 14% rather than half come from the 1981 list of 26 Provincial key point high schools in Joungsu. 30% come to the 1990 list of 95 provincial key point schools ,505 come from the 2002 list of 249 chunks of high schools over there i,e, provincial key point schools 705 of all the students of SZU university come from what are called zing su that are best high school in their county or higher. So for both Peking University and for Souzou/ g University, most students come from just a few elite high schools, and it's this feeder system, which of course makes Chinese parents so so anxious about getting their child into the right school so that the right Primary school so they can get their kid into the right junior high school, the right junior high school, so they can get their kid into the right senior high school because indeed, getting your kid into the right senior high school can very much make a make or break, whether or not they get into a school as good as [UNKNOWN] University, or even better. Peking University. So indeed if we were to map the proportion of high schools for each province or provincial level city, and the proportion of the students would come from these high schools to go to Peking University, what we see is is that the for, For all 30 provinces or provincial level cities, we find a pattern which is as consistent as the pattern of household income distribution for the Hong Kong. what you can see here is that, we look at the horizontal axis that just 10% of high schools send something like 30 to 80% of students to Peking University from that area, and that above 30% of high schools, essentially you're already at the 80 to 90% mark, so there are very few students slots left. So, in other words that in every place just a few high schools send account for most students for getting into Peking University. And we look at the two sort of outlying lines at the top the, the blue line is the city of Beijing. The pink line, the flamingo pink line squares is the city of Tinging. We see that these cities education effect is especially unequal. Or especially unequally distributed since something like just 10% of the high schools in those cities sent 70% in the case of Tinjing. almost 80% in the case of Beijing students to Peking University. Well, the bottom line is is Tibet. So that, ironically, is the while still consistent, while the overall distribution for the other problems is, is the most equal in terms of number of high schools sending a kid to PK University. So in other words as Chinese parents suspect in terms of the flowers of Chinese youth, what the, makes an important differences is what part of the garden they grow in. >> If they grow in the part of the garden labeled elite high schools They are more likely to be selected by the two reaching arms. One labeled Peking University, the other labeled Chu hong University. and this is assumed in this case to be, because the student these schools get more educational resources, but it could also be because simply it says these are the elite feeder schools of china just as Peking University has a higher cut off point these high schools also have a higher cut off point than other high schools. And so these flowers are the healthiest, the ones that bloom the longest, that bloom the brightest compared to the other, the other parts of the garden and therefore these are the flowers that are more likely to be picked to, to, to be displayed in the national flower show at Peking University. [SOUND] So, the overall findings at some level are that in terms of student diversity in China compare to say Hong Kong compared to Hong Kong the glass probably seems half empty. the students are diverse. But we certainly see tendencies, which towards a growing non-diversity. gender and equality has virtually disappeared. And while geographic inequality persists, the interactions of geography with occupational inequality are complex. In spite of rising economic inequality in China today, Peking University continues to draw at least one quarter of the students from farm and factory families and by implication from families with no tertiary educational background. At Suzhou Universities these proportions are not 25%, they're doubled over 50%. Certainly a far cry from the elite high private univerties in the United States where 40 percent of the students come from the top five percent richest families in the United States. 70 to 80 percent come from the top 20%. so in that sense, are still at least half full. But that being said, the proportion of students from cadre and academic families has also grown from one-third to three-quarters of all students at Peking University and from one-third to almost one half at SZU University. Moreover, as a proportion of occupational structure, the rate of a successful manip, matriculation While it is increasing for children of factory workers, it is decreasing for the children of cadres and professionals and indeed, at both schools while the proportions of farm children are stable or declining slightly, worker proportions are increasing dramatically. So, half full, also half empty, also half full again. So decidedly mixed. But, nevertheless the conclusions and policy implications of the Silent Revolution are clear. By international standards compared to the United States, elite Chinese universities are still achieving an astonishing degree of diversity measured by residence and parental occupation And by implication, parental income and parental education. This diversity reflects the student diversity from a system of elite feeder high schools. So, it's not just the Peking Universities and the Suzhou Universities [INAUDIBLE] much be quite diverse. It also has to be the sort of the best high school in the local region which has the same diversity. Indeed in the mainland high school characteristics seem to be potentially more important than family characteristics in explaining interests to elite universities. If such educational opportunities also fundamentally change the employment and marriage opportunities for students of diverse backgrounds, the policy implications and these for China and Hong Kong... For poverty alleviation, and human capital promotion seems straight forward. What the state needs to do above all is to reinforce and to expand access to elite education, not just at the university level, but also at the high school level. So as we can see in this concluding. cartoon. We have the elite university gate. We have two parents. I'm sorry because of the, the gender prejudice of the slide. Two male parents, leaving the, the elite high school. And the one man wearing the high official hat saying I sent my [UNKNOWN] son child to this school. We also have the working class parent saying, I also send my kid to this school. So so China in other words, which is well known for having its noisy revolution, the revolution of land reform of collectivization of culture evolution and even of economic growth today with all its con sort of side worker protests an so on. China's Silent Revolution Of education driven here by students just doing something as mundane as preparing for a test to get into good high schools, to get into u-, good universities, is having at least a similar, perhaps a more persistent, profound effect on chaining Chinese society. So, in week 3 we'll be looking at the distribution of wealth and then we'll see to what extent this distribution of wealth actually allows us to make the link for China's Silent Revolution discussed today to the Noisy Revolution of Landry Form Collectivization and Regime change. starting in 1949. [MUSIC] [MUSIC].
