The purpose of this course is to summarize new directions in Chinese history and social science produced by the creation and analysis of big historical datasets based on newly opened Chinese archival holdings, and to organize this knowledge in a framework that encourages learning about China in comparative perspective. Our course demonstrates how a new scholarship of discovery is redefining what is singular about modern China and modern Chinese history. Current understandings of human history and social theory are based largely on Western experience or on non-Western experience seen through a Western lens. This course offers alternative perspectives derived from Chinese experience over the last three centuries. We present specific case studies of this new scholarship of discovery divided into two stand-alone parts, which means that students can take any part without prior or subsequent attendance of the other part. Part 1 (this course) focuses on comparative inequality and opportunity and addresses two related questions ‘Who rises to the top?’ and ‘Who gets what?’. Part 2 (https://www.coursera.org/learn/understanding-china-history-part-2) turns to an arguably even more important question ‘Who are we?’ as seen through the framework of comparative population behavior - mortality, marriage, and reproduction – and their interaction with economic conditions and human values. We do so because mortality and reproduction are fundamental and universal, because they differ historically just as radically between China and the West as patterns of inequality and opportunity, and because these differences demonstrate the mutability of human behavior and values. Course Overview video: https://youtu.be/dzUPRyJ4ETk
2.3: China’s Silent Revolution’s Ladder of Success
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En provenance du cours de The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
Understanding China, 1700-2000: A Data Analytic Approach, Part 1
38 notes
The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
38 notes
À partir de la leçon
Module 2: Education and Social Mobility in Contemporary China
Rencontrer les enseignants
James Z. LeeDean and Chair Professor of the School of Humanities and Social Sciences
So the important thing to remember is that because in China, students are
selected by their performance on an objective national college entrance
examination. So in other words if students test below
the cut off line they cannot get into [INAUDIBLE] University or Peking
University. and in that sense university admissions
in China is actually quite passive, at least In the period covered by today's
presentation. So, the characteristics that were seen in
terms of the increased diversity of factory workers, the increased diversity
of female students the Increased lack of diversity with sort of students from flow
off families. that this reflects, the performance of
students at the Gaokao, at the Chinese college entrance examination.
And in that sense, it very much also reflects the composition of the feeder
high schools to Peking University and SouZou University.
Because while there are 16 to 17,000 high schools for China as a whole, it turns
out that Peking University, which ironically draws the students nationally
from the entire country. Largely draws almost all of the students
from just 3600 of these 16,000 high schools, less than one-quarter.
At SzuHo University which only draw from one province, Jounsun Province draws its
students from 7500 Of these high schools. Again, less than half of the total number
of high schools in China. Indeed, as you can see from the this
slide which shows you the number of student feeder schools to Peking and
Suzhou University and the number of students they send.
You can see that just 40 High schools for Peking University and ten for Shenzhen
University send 500 or more students whereas 1,000 high schools for Peking
University and 3,000 high schools for Shenzhen University in the entire half
century that this, covered by this study send just one student.
So, in other words what we're looking at is the results of the students
performance on the [UNKNOWN] and these performances are largely dictated by the
diversity of the students from the elite feeder high schools, the best high
schools in China. The ones who've sent 200 or more
students, 500 or more students to Peking University and Souzho g/ University.
Now indeed it turns out that for Peking University almost all the students come
from what are called the Provincial Key Point Schools, the [FOREIGN] senior high
schools. China has four different tabulations of
elite. Provincial high schools the first
tabulation was in 1981 and there's only 700 of these 16,000 high schools that are
designated to be Provincial Key Point Schools, but over half of all students in
Peking University come from this 700 high schools, 3 quarters come from the 4000
1990's key point schools even in Beijing,where the cutoff point is 10 per
1000 or 3 per 10000 or 1 per 100,15 schools provide 1 3rd of all students to
the PKU university, especially of course PKU university of course uh, [UNKNOWN]
university, high school and so on. In SZU University we see very much the
same pattern but just at not such an elite level.
14% rather than half come from the 1981 list of 26 Provincial key point high
schools in Joungsu. 30% come to the 1990 list of 95
provincial key point schools ,505 come from the 2002 list of 249 chunks of high
schools over there i,e, provincial key point schools 705 of all the students of
SZU university come from what are called zing su that are best high school in
their county or higher. So for both Peking University and for
Souzou/ g University, most students come from just a few elite high schools, and
it's this feeder system, which of course makes Chinese parents so so anxious about
getting their child into the right school so that the right
Primary school so they can get their kid into the right junior high school, the
right junior high school, so they can get their kid into the right senior high
school because indeed, getting your kid into the right senior high school can
very much make a make or break, whether or not they get into a school as good as
[UNKNOWN] University, or even better. Peking University.
So indeed if we were to map the proportion of high schools for each
province or provincial level city, and the proportion of the students would come
from these high schools to go to Peking University, what we see is is that the
for, For all 30 provinces or provincial level
cities, we find a pattern which is as consistent as the pattern of household
income distribution for the Hong Kong. what you can see here is that, we look at
the horizontal axis that just 10% of high schools send something like 30 to 80% of
students to Peking University from that area, and that above 30% of high schools,
essentially you're already at the 80 to 90% mark, so there are very few students
slots left. So, in other words that in every place
just a few high schools send account for most students for getting into Peking
University. And we look at the two sort of outlying
lines at the top the, the blue line is the city of Beijing.
The pink line, the flamingo pink line squares is the city of Tinging.
We see that these cities education effect is especially unequal.
Or especially unequally distributed since something like just 10% of the high
schools in those cities sent 70% in the case of Tinjing.
almost 80% in the case of Beijing students to Peking University.
Well, the bottom line is is Tibet. So that, ironically, is the while still
consistent, while the overall distribution for the other problems is,
is the most equal in terms of number of high schools sending a kid to PK
University. So in other words as Chinese parents
suspect in terms of the flowers of Chinese youth, what the, makes an
important differences is what part of the garden they grow in.
>> If they grow in the part of the garden labeled elite high schools They
are more likely to be selected by the two reaching arms.
One labeled Peking University, the other labeled Chu hong University.
and this is assumed in this case to be, because the student these schools get
more educational resources, but it could also be because simply it says these are
the elite feeder schools of china just as Peking University has a higher cut off
point these high schools also have a higher cut off point than other high
schools. And so these flowers are the healthiest,
the ones that bloom the longest, that bloom the brightest compared to the
other, the other parts of the garden and therefore these are the flowers that are
more likely to be picked to, to, to be displayed in the national flower show at
Peking University. [SOUND] So, the overall findings at some
level are that in terms of student diversity in China compare to say Hong
Kong compared to Hong Kong the glass probably seems half empty.
the students are diverse. But we certainly see tendencies, which
towards a growing non-diversity. gender and equality has virtually
disappeared. And while geographic inequality persists,
the interactions of geography with occupational inequality are complex.
In spite of rising economic inequality in China today, Peking University continues
to draw at least one quarter of the students from farm and factory families
and by implication from families with no tertiary educational background.
At Suzhou Universities these proportions are not 25%, they're doubled over 50%.
Certainly a far cry from the elite high private univerties in the United States
where 40 percent of the students come from the top five percent richest
families in the United States. 70 to 80 percent come from the top 20%.
so in that sense, are still at least half full.
But that being said, the proportion of students from cadre and academic families
has also grown from one-third to three-quarters of all students at Peking
University and from one-third to almost one half at SZU University.
Moreover, as a proportion of occupational structure, the rate of a successful
manip, matriculation While it is increasing for children of factory
workers, it is decreasing for the children of cadres and professionals and
indeed, at both schools while the proportions of farm children are stable
or declining slightly, worker proportions are increasing dramatically.
So, half full, also half empty, also half full again.
So decidedly mixed. But, nevertheless the conclusions and
policy implications of the Silent Revolution are clear.
By international standards compared to the United States, elite Chinese
universities are still achieving an astonishing degree of diversity measured
by residence and parental occupation And by implication, parental income and
parental education. This diversity reflects the student
diversity from a system of elite feeder high schools.
So, it's not just the Peking Universities and the Suzhou Universities [INAUDIBLE]
much be quite diverse. It also has to be the sort of the best
high school in the local region which has the same diversity.
Indeed in the mainland high school characteristics seem to be potentially
more important than family characteristics in explaining interests
to elite universities. If such educational opportunities also
fundamentally change the employment and marriage opportunities for students of
diverse backgrounds, the policy implications and these for China and Hong
Kong... For poverty alleviation, and human
capital promotion seems straight forward. What the state needs to do above all is
to reinforce and to expand access to elite education, not just at the
university level, but also at the high school level.
So as we can see in this concluding. cartoon.
We have the elite university gate. We have two parents.
I'm sorry because of the, the gender prejudice of the slide.
Two male parents, leaving the, the elite high school.
And the one man wearing the high official hat saying I sent my [UNKNOWN] son child
to this school. We also have the working class parent
saying, I also send my kid to this school.
So so China in other words, which is well known for having its noisy revolution,
the revolution of land reform of collectivization of culture evolution and
even of economic growth today with all its con sort of side worker protests an
so on. China's Silent Revolution Of education
driven here by students just doing something as mundane as preparing for a
test to get into good high schools, to get into u-, good universities, is having
at least a similar, perhaps a more persistent, profound effect on chaining
Chinese society. So, in week 3 we'll be looking at the
distribution of wealth and then we'll see to what extent this distribution of
wealth actually allows us to make the link for China's Silent Revolution
discussed today to the Noisy Revolution of Landry Form Collectivization and
Regime change. starting in 1949.
[MUSIC]
[MUSIC].
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