Le cours présente un tour d’horizon introductif des interactions entre la mobilité et les dynamiques urbaines. Il propose des outils méthodologiques et opérationnels permettant d’appréhender et de réguler la mobilité. Ces vingt dernières années, la mobilité urbaine a beaucoup changé. Le nombre de déplacements de loisirs a augmenté tandis que la part des déplacements pour motif travail a diminué. Dans le même temps, de nouvelles formes de mobilités se sont développées, comme la multirésidentialité, la pendularité de longue distance, le tourisme urbain et l’excursionnisme. Ces changements ont été concommittants de transformations urbaines comme l’étalement urbain ou la fragmentation. Dans ce contexte, la mobilité est un enjeu pour l’ingénierie des transports urbains et le développement territorial, en particulier urbain: sa régulation nécessite une appréhension nouvelle de la demande de transport. Le cours montre ainsi aux étudiants les interrelations entre la ville et la mobilité, l’espace urbain et les flux de déplacements, tout en leur offrant une vision renouvelée du transport et de son impact sur le territoire et les modes de vie.
Le choix résidentiel des ménages
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En provenance du cours de École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne
Mobilité et urbanisme
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À partir de la leçon
La transformation des modes de vie urbains
L’objectif de ce second module est de montrer comment les territoires se sont progressivement transformés en lien avec l’évolution des potentiels de vitesses procurés par les systèmes de transports rapides, puis les technologies de l’information et de la communication.
Rencontrer les enseignants
Vincent KaufmannProfesseur
Laboratoire de Sociologie Urbaine, Faculté de l’Environnement Naturel, Architectural et Construit, École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne
Aniss M. MezouedDocteur
Laboratoire de Sociologie Urbaine, Faculté de l’Environnement Naturel, Architectural et Construit, École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne
Bernard DeclèveProfesseur
Faculté d’Architecture, d’ingénierie architecturale et d’urbanisme, Université catholique de Louvain
Hello,
My name is Marie-Paule Thomas.
I did my doctoral thesis at the Urban Sociology Laboratory
at EPFL
on the subject of residential choices
and household lifestyle.
Why and how people choose their place of living?
It is the subject we will discuss today.
For three years now,
I have worked in an consulting firm, called E-consulting,
where I advise municipalities and town planners
in the implementation of their housing policy.
Therefore, this course will present
As much as theoretical results than practical examples.
How can we start from household location choices
to rethink urban planning?
In this course we present
the main results of the Swiss research program PNR 54
sustainable urban habitat
which was the subject of my doctoral thesis.
The objective of this research was to analyze
arbitrations residential household location.
Why and how
families choose to locate?
We began with three observations:
The individualisation of society.
So people are increasingly
different.
Increased mobility.
And increased segmentation of territories.
Commonly in research, three major theoretical currents
explain residential mobility.
In the first type of approach,
the individual determines its location based on a vision
both rational and strategic.
These approaches are rather worn
by real estate specialists,
engineers, economists, demographers,
all these experts who favor an analytical framework
metrical or economical.
Thus, a household will determine its location
depending on their income,
ie a level of rent,
depending on the size of the household
ie a housing size,
or as a function of the distance of workplaces,
or of amenities.
In rational actions theories,
the variables are mainly metrical or economical.
The second type of approach
explains residential choice by social logics.
The majority of these approaches
are rather carried by anthropologists
and sociologists.
In these approaches, the choice of residential location
is explained by social variables
by values.
The choice of place of life is thus influenced
either by family logics:
we want to live next to our family or next to the grandparents,
according to statutory logic:
we want a big house,
a great car, to show our social status,
or depending on cultural logics:
depending on who we are, which country we live in,
from where we have been socialized,
we will want to live in a place that resemble us.
All of these approaches
thus explain
residential choices based on social parameters.
I will live next to my relatives
in a place that distinguish myself socially,
or in a place that fits my values.
The third approach, less worked on,
explains residential choice in relation to sensitive logic.
Often these theories are carried, for example,
by architects.
Depending on who we are,
our history
the sensitive dimension can be, in fact, very important for people.
While we may have determined a location based
on a distance
on a public transportation stop
not too far from the grandmother.
Eventually what will be decisive
between the choice of two dwellings
of similar size and similar budgets in the near perimeter
from the grandparents,
is :
the light there will be in the housing,
the smell of the neighborhood,
the fact that we feel well.
In approaches we will remember later,
we consider that these three logical actions
are important.
Rational logic, social and sensitive.
When a household chooses a location,
it takes into account these three parameters.
Thus, in a choice of residential location,
a household observes both functional qualities,
therefore the services, amenities,
the price, size of dwelling.
Social qualities:
Is there a community life in the neighborhood?
Is it important for me to meet my neighbors?
Do I want to live next to my family?
Do I want to be in a place that distinguishes me socially?
And sensitive qualities:
Is that in a place where I feel good?
Do I want to live in this dwelling?
or on the contrary,
it has a light,
a color, an environment
that does not suit me at all.
In the research process in housing,
it is observed that there are often two stages.
First, a location is defined
or geographical area of residence
according to his lifestyle,
for example, one wants to live in an area
up to 10 km
around the grandparents,
next to
a public transportation stop
and not too far
from a green space
so that my children can play.
Then once we have determined
this geographical area, or these location settings,
we will go in search
of a home that matches
my budget,
my household type,
so if for example I am a family
I will seek a three or four parts,
and my values.
Let's take an example :
here we have a young middle-class couple
which will soon have a child.
For this couple,
it is very important, in terms of location criteria,
to be close to public transportation, be able to move by bicycle,
they love the social mix,
and they want a range of services and amenities nearby,
be it shopping,
cultural life
restaurants, cafes.
In terms of location,
so far they prefer to live in an urban center.
Once they have
identified
cities or small towns with all these criteria,
they will go in search of three parts
rather old
corresponding
to their budget
of middle class.
If we summarize our results in terms of residential location,
we have highlighted six areas of differentiation
of residential preferences.
The first axis, the Security gradient,
distinguishes people
for whom being between peers is very important,
from other people who will value social mix.
Do I want to live with neighbors similar to me ?
or on the contrary,
live next to neighbors
who are not like me?
The friendliness gradient
distinguishes household
who feel that neighborlyhood,
so as in the picture on the right,
is very important.
Is it important for me to meet my neighbors
everyday
and at all times of the day
because I love the friendliness and community life,
or, on the contrary, I want to live in an individualistic way
and I do not want to pass by my neighbors every day.
So this axis distinguishes people for whom
community and easy life is very important,
from more individualistic households.
This axis will be particularly important
in the definition of architectural projects.
Do I conceive
dwellings or buildings
that will allow me to meet others?
or, on the contrary, do I design buildings
which will ensure that I do not cross my neighbors?
The social gradient anchor
distinguishes, on the one hand,
households for whom it is important to live near relatives
or their friends,
from households for which this parameter will not count.
The gradient of elitism
distinguishes households valuing a socially distinguished place of living
with a good reputation in the neighborhood,
a good social status,
as opposed to households caring less
of these distinctive logic
in choosing where they live.
It thus distinguishes household with traditional values,
of households with more post-materialist values
enhancing personal development.
The density gradient distinguishes households
valuing local services,
the ability to go
to a shop or a service by walk
from households that use more
the car in their daily lives
and for which proximity to local services counts less.
It distinguished too, households valuing country life
of households with life
more connected to the urban agglomeration.
The serenity gradient is itself universal.
It shows that in the criteria for residential location,
the concepts of peace,
proximity to nature and green spaces,
are very important for all households.
We have seen that there are six axes
differentiation of residential preferences,
but finally,
how these different location criteria form a system?
Depending on our lifestyle,
we will develop different visions of the quality of life.
In our research we have shown
that for an equivalent type of household
and at the same income level,
one can have different lifestyles.
One can, thus, enhance urban life,
have its organic basket,
rather move on public transport,
be an artist who does not have much money
and live in a housing
with a suitable rent,
then a few years later,
one will still move in public transport
will still love uban life,
and will still have its organic vegetable basket,
but maybe one will become a cultural framework
in a large institution.
One will have a different income
but still the same lifestyle.
Thus we see that for the traditional criteria of the income of the type of household
the lifestyle
is decisive to explain the choice of residential location.
Depending on who we are,
we can define where we live,
according to the maxim: "describe me where you live,
I will tell you who you are".
In the segmentation that we have put in place
at the Urban Sociology Laboratory,
we identified six lifestyles
which have six different views of the quality of life,
with two large groups:
the classics
and contemporary.
We observe
that these typologies
or those living groups
are found in other researches
whether in marketing or research institutes.
Like the Sinus-Milieus
or the Friedlander Partners Institute.
Finally,
we have also shown that these different lifestyles,
from the most classical to the most contemporary,
are the result of a historical sedimentation.
While 100 years ago, we were all rural households
who lived on a farm next door to our parents,
now,
100 years later,
there is an infinity of ways of living
or at least
six main groups which are divided into two classes
thaht we will present you now.
The classics
match the lifestyles including residential aspirations
and lifestyles are similar to values rather traditional,
regardless of the type of household income.
They prefer quiet residential environments, monofunctional
with beautiful visual clearances
on a human scale
in a neighborhood promoting being between oneself
security
and a certain social status.
Preferably they are looking for recent real estate,
if possible in property, if they have the means.
They rather prefer private transport.
The Classic ideal residential is an individual house.
The contemporary lifestyles
appeared more recently
during the last thirty years.
In parallel with the movement that we have called:
"Gentrification movement" in the literature.
Contemporaries often have more progressive values
or less traditional
then the previous group.
Both are often dual-income,
they advocate social diversity, living together,
light modes of transport, public transport,
cultural life,
ecological values.
They thereby prefer
active residential environments,
intensive, mixed,
dense and urban
where cultural and artistic activity is intense.
The residential ideal of contemporary
is an apartment in an old building,
a loft,
or an apartment in a modern building,
like here
in the right picture,
in a building in Copenhagen, Denmark.
If we summarize,
we have two large groups of residential lifestyles.
On one hand, the classic that emphasize individual residential mobility,
Being between one-self, individualism, and instead value
quiet environments,at the human scale,
and they want access to a house.
And on the other hand we have the contemporary households
who value mobility by public transport,
proximity and the compactness of the city
and its urban bustle,
its social diversity
and, in terms of objects,
they will valorize
the old building,
or the contemporary one.
To schedule and plan the contemporary city,
one must understand the views of users,
their practices, their lifestyles,
their appropriation of different spaces.
The detailed understanding of lifestyles,
of what the residents do and want,
can anticipate the programming
and planning of cities.
Now how can one move
from the theory,
that I presented to you,
to practice?
It is important that public authorities
reflect on the proactive housing policies
and not suffered.
We thereby suggest, for almost five years,
many public and local authorities
to implement a proactive housing policy.
We work very often,
upstream,
under what is known as :
Urban Programming
Until now, communities underwent territory development.
It is time to reverse the trend
in order to influence future developments
and to think in terms of target audience,
both in terms of income and household type,
than of lifestyle.
When we support communities,
we often have three steps
for the definition of housing policy.
First: define the target audience.
The second: divide the target audience.
And the third: build for the chosen target audience.
To define the target audience,
we are using
the three variables presented earlier.
Do we want to attract rather conventional household?
or contemporary?
Do I want to draw rather solos households?
Couples ? Families ?
And what level of income
will we focus on in the new urban operation
or in the town ?
Social diversity of income?
Rather the middle class? Rather the upper class?
Where are we going to focus
less affluent households of the population?
With these three criteria,
income, household type and lifestyle,
we can define the target audience for a future town
or a neighborhood.
Once we defined the target audience,
we need to divide them.
Indeed, all lands, or all situations
do not always have the same home-potential
for all groups of the population.
For each field, finally, what are the targets
naturally attracted?
Whatever I do,
This town center will be very attractive
for contemporary households.
Which are the naturally excluded targets?
This urban center will exclude,
perhaps naturally
the classics.
Or what the potential targets
depending on the project that I will develop?
I develop public transport
I have a flat topography,
I have adapted housing
and I will surely be able to attract senior citizens in this neighborhood.
Each site
or each place of the territory has a varied potential home
for different target audiences.
Let's take an example :
considering the agglomerations of Lausanne and Bern
we are in the village of
Vufflens-la-Ville,
at the top left.
In fifteen minutes on foot or by public transport,
we can barely get out of town.
In twenty-five minutes,
you get to meet
the nearest town.
This means that for contemporary households
who value the proximity of public transport
in the case of the agglomeration of Lausanne,
we can live in very urban places like Renan,
or in the center of Lausanne.
If we now consider the town of Bern,
in the upper right, we are in the village of Moosseedorf,
a peri town,
we see that in fifteen minutes by public transport,
we can reach
the village,
but also all the neighboring villages
and also the center city of Bern.
The same thing
for places
available in twenty-five minutes.
What does that mean ?
This means that if one has a contemporary household
for which the valuation
of public transit trips are very important
in Bern,
we can live
both in the center and in the surrounding area.
This will not be the case in Lausanne.
Thus, each place of the territory, has a varied potential home
for different groups of the population.
Based on these characteristics
intrinsic, functional, social and sensitive,
the territory will attract
a target audience.
Once we have defined the target audience,
that we have described the potential attractiveness of places
for the implementation of the housing policy,
neighborhoods suitable to target audiences must be developed
Two examples:
on the left, we are in the town of Zurich.
The city of Zurich has set up, for twenty years,
a proactive policy to attract families in the city center.
So it built
over 10 000 homes for families
and adapted its family policy
in order to keep families in town.
If we stand on another scale,
on the architecture scale.
The right picture is the result
of an architectural competition which involved sociologists and architects.
There are three types of buildings
which correspond to three lifestyles.
In each of its buildings
there is a housing size diversity
and a variety of available rents.
In the building of Kodak,
a cooperative, nurturing living together,
the buildings were drawn
with alleyways,
a majority of meeting places,
public spaces,
laundriy rooms where people will meet.
The Kings Cooperative building
was drawn based more on an individualistic lifestyle.
You can access the parking,
then ascend directly into one's apartment through the lift
without necessarily crossing all one's neighbors.
Here we see the translation directly to an architectural project
based on people's lifestyles.
Is the living together valorized ?
And do we want an architecture favoring this setting?
The opening, proximity, link and meeting with the neighbors?
Or, on the contrary, do we want a more individualistic lifestyle,
and we will have an architecture that fits this lifestyle.
Another example to the housing ladder.
If we want to design
two types of housing for middle class families
we see that on the left,
this accommodation will be more suitable for conventional families
that will enhance privacy, individuality,
so the children's game will take place, rather,
on the terrace of the accommodation
the same for the barbecue
where we will invite friends that were chosen to our grills
with ourselves in our garden.
The photo on the right
is a type of property or operation rather adapted
for contemporary families.
The children's game will take place rather collectively
in vegetable gardens,
and we will grill all together with neighbors.
So we see that for an equivalent type of household,
an equivalent income
we can have urban architectural responses
completely different!
For years, the architectural determinism dominated.
By a stroke of a pen, planners
had the power to determine
how people would live their housing
or meet in a neighborhood
or in a building.
Now,
with urban planning lifestyles,
this is the reverse process
and from the lifestyles of the people,
or ways of living of the inhabitants, we draw a district.
One can thus act with a policy of attractive housing,
by prices, housing size, moods
programming area.
To attract a particular group of the population,
the housing type,
the deal, encourage as much
that public support policies
cultural, social, family.
It may not thus
not only attract families
with a nice house, four rooms,
affordable,
but also
with childcare, pre and after-school.
To conclude the course on residential choices of households
we can come back to three observations.
We have seen that for an equivalent income and an equivalent type of household,
households may have lifestyles
and residential choices that are completely different.
We also saw that the contexts
present differentiated potentials of reception
for the different groups.
Depending on the site,
we will be able to attract or exclude certain groups.
Finally,
to think residential choices of households,
urban planning,
it is necessary to rethink the planning
so to go from the regulatory planning
to urbanism project planning
and thus think of city
based on lifestyles.
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