Mobilités et modes de vie

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En provenance du cours de École des Ponts ParisTech

Mobilités et véhicules électriques

43 notes

École des Ponts ParisTech

Mobilités et véhicules électriques

43 notes

L’objectif de ce MOOC est d’aider ses apprenants, quel que soit leur profil, leur formation ou leur pays d’origine, à construire une réponse personnelle à des questions comme celles-ci : - Les voitures électriques seront-elles les dernières à circuler dans les métropoles du XXI° siècle ? - Le gain environnemental associé à l’électrification des véhicules justifie-t-il des investissements massifs dans les infrastructures de charge ? - Le véhicule électrique est-il réservé aux riches des pays du Nord ? Grâce à ce MOOC, les participants pourront acquérir des connaissances issues des sciences de l’ingénieur, de la sociologie, des sciences de l’environnement, de l’économie, de la géographie et des sciences politiques pour évaluer, analyser et mettre en œuvre le déploiement des véhicules électriques là où il est pertinent. Le Groupe Renault et les écoles de ParisTech collaborent depuis bientôt 15 ans sur des sujets liés à la mobilité durable. Ensemble, ils ont créé deux Masters (Transport et développement durable en 2004, Mobilité et véhicules électriques en 2010) et l’Institut de la Mobilité Durable (IMD), en 2009, pour accompagner les mutations en cours. Le MOOC Mobilités et véhicules électriques est issu de cette histoire commune et a été élaboré à partir d'un cours délivré au sein du Master Mobilités et Véhicules Électriques, piloté par Arts et Métiers ParisTech en partenariat avec Ensta ParisTech, Mines ParisTech et l’École des Ponts ParisTech. Ce cours est en français, cependant des sous-titres en anglais sont disponibles pour toutes les vidéos et vous pouvez écrire vos messages dans le forum en anglais si vous le désirez./ This course is given in French, nevertheless English subtitles are available for all videos and you can write your posts in the forum in English if desired.

À partir de la leçon

Chapitre 1 - Comprendre les mobilités et leurs évolutions

<p>Dans ce premier chapitre nous nous intéresserons aux mobilités, nous les caractériserons en fonction des formes urbaines et des modes de vie. Puis, nous étudierons plus spécifiquement les mobilités électriques et leurs évolutions au cours du temps, ce qui nous permettra d'analyser les changements induits par le véhicule électrique sur le système de mobilité.</p><p>Dans ce chapitre, chaque vidéo de cours est précédée d’une vidéo <em>Point méthode</em> permettant de définir un outil ou un concept utilisé dans le cours et est suivi d’une vidéo <em>Le saviez-vous ?</em> qui élargit l’horizon du cours ou l’éclaire sous un angle particulier.</p> <p>Enfin, vous pourrez tester votre compréhension dans la dernière partie consacrée à l'évaluation sous forme de quiz (questions à réponse unique et questions à réponses multiples), cette évaluation ne porte que sur les vidéos de cours et est notée.</p>

Point méthode - Les systèmes de transports2:42

Mobilités et formes urbaines9:41

Le saviez-vous ? Urbanisation de la population mondiale3:13

Point méthode - Régimes socio-techniques et transition technologique3:00

Mobilités et modes de vie12:38

Le saviez-vous ? Faits saillants de la mobilité dans le monde2:55

Rencontrer les enseignants

Virginie BOUTUEIL
Researcher
LVMT (City Mobility Transport Lab), École des Ponts ParisTech
Émeric FORTIN
Head of the Master in Transport and Sustainable Development
Direction of Studies, École des Ponts ParisTech

-Going to work, teleworking from home, taking care of one's children,

shopping, and leisure activities all characterize a way of life.

Individual trips are very specific parts of these ways of life.

This video aims at explaining

why human mobilities are part of their ways of life

and what they can say regarding these ways of life.

Here we will keep in mind these two parameters

after detailing the way of life and mobility notions.

In the literature, a person's way of life is defined

as all their ways of living and consumption habits.

It is analyzed, inter alia, by the time use theory.

The latter analyzes the regularities and continuities of time uses

inside and outside the home in order to specify inequalities

based on the measurement of the time dedicated to the different activities.

For instance, it is a way to discuss the advent of the leisure society

as a result of the trend decline of the working time

in contemporary societies.

Or even the impact of income, nationality, household composition

on the allocation of time for paid work, domestic work, free time

or physiological time.

By considering the history of mobilities and ways of life,

we have analyzed the daily time use of the workers from Île-de-France.

We noticed that the traveling time accounts for 7% of the total time.

Is it marginal?

A person's travels are a particular activity

because they determine activities outside the home.

However, they are analyzed like any social activity.

They are the consequence of a personal choice

which varies according to the needs.

They are also the consequence of a social production

through institutional and social standards,

through transport policies and those influencing activity distribution

over the territories.

Thus, traveling is a social practice.

So, its analysis is not reduced to the analysis of travels

between origins and destinations.

Mobility refers to this social practice

which is mandatory to build a person's daily life.

It is defined by all the travels of a person over a given period of time,

usually over a day. We then talk about daily mobility.

Daily mobility is part of the daily activity schedule

that people create to organize their activities and diaries.

The analysis of activity schedules is a way to consider the ways of life

but only if they are correctly related to economic, social

and cognitive resources of the persons and their familial, institutional

and professional constraints.

In this respect, mobility is a balance of arbitrations

between resources and constraints on an individual and social level.

In empirical terms, mobility is approached

by symptomatic indicators of arbitrations

made per day and per person.

Thus, the number of travels,

the number of kilometers traveled in a day,

the time devoted to travel,

the average traveling speed,

the transport modes used to travel,

and the monetary costs associated with this mobility.

Each French inhabitant travels an average of 15 000 km each year.

International travels accounts for 40% of these travels

as well as travels in France over 100 km from their home.

On these slots, leisure and holiday mobilities prevail,

just like car travels

which account for over 60% of the traveled distances.

59.7% of the traveled distances are related to local mobility

dedicated to regular activities with distances

less than 100 km from home with a return in the evening.

Car travels account there for 83% of the traveled distances

during weekdays and over 90% on weekends.

The importance of cars in the daily local mobility can be explained

by the geographic structure of circulations

in which origin and destination types

with non-existent alternatives to car prevail.

The excellence slots of public transports,

in other words city centers and exchanges with their suburbs,

only represent 21.5% of local mobility.

A French inhabitant aged over 6

makes an average of 3.1 travels per day, travels 24.8 km,

and travels for 55 minutes at the average speed of 25 km/h.

The monetary budget represents about 15% per month.

Still on average per day and per person,

27% of daily travels are linked to work,

10% are linked to studies, 19% to shopping, and 17% to leisure.

The mobility of French inhabitants is very varied in terms of motivations

and strongly relies on the demographic structure of the population,

work organization and economic circumstances.

When analyzed in terms of daily traveled distance,

travels for work account for more than half of the total kilometers

traveled on a given day. Travels for work are the longest

in terms of distance and time dedicated to mobility,

just like car travels which appear to be the most numerous and the longest.

Their overrepresentation in terms of kilometric percentage, 83%,

compared to the travel percentage, 65%, shows it.

In kilometric terms,

we can say that cars are almost the main way of life in France.

These few figures can characterize the state of daily mobility

in terms of societal dimensions, but they also hide very different

daily mobility patterns according to major key factors such as

the individual's profile, i.e. their age, status as a worker or pensioner,

or such as the type of household, i.e. single person or a couple,

with or without children.

Secondly, the economic capital, i.e. the income,

the cultural, physical, cognitive capital of the individual.

Thirdly, the relative location of the home

to the place of work, consumption, leisure and health.

The last key factor is the access to transport modes.

Let us look more in details at the first three key factors.

Globally, when individuals get older, their mobility increases

in terms of numbers of travels, traveled distances and travel time.

Mobility reaches a plateau before 50 or so and slowly decreases

until an old age. Above 75 years old, individuals travel over distances

that are 4 times as short, they travel half as much

as individuals aged from 26 to 45 who are the most mobile.

An analysis via the income shows an increase in mobility

parallel to that of the monthly income per consumption unit,

thus the income taking into account the number of household individuals.

All mobility indicators increase according to the income.

However, indicator variations are irregular.

Between low-income and high-income families,

the number of travels per person does not vary as much as the share of cars

and the daily traveled distances which vary as much as 100%.

Thus, we can say that no matter the income,

certain activities are mandatory such as working, studying,

shopping to buy food.

All these activities are defined as mandatory activities and mobilities

that cannot be reduced

in the case of low-income families. They have less numerous activities

that are twice as close to their home

and they use their car half as much.

Regarding the relative location of the home,

facts are largely established since the 1980s in France.

A worker living in the suburbs of Île-de-France travels

three times more kilometers each day

compared to a worker living in the center of Paris

considering the same income and household type.

The capital region is an exception in France.

There are fewer travels and the distances are shorter

with time budgets that are 30% higher than in any other urban area.

Of course, the exceptional size and density of the capital region

have an influence as well as its corollary,

an exceptional public transport network in terms of density.

Together they create this exception.

But this exception is only related to Paris and its suburbs

where public transports are heavily used, as well as walking.

There has also been a boom of two-wheeled motor vehicles

over the last years because of traffic jams and parking restrictive policies.

Everywhere else, cars represent the majority or strongly prevail

even in the Île-de-France rings.

Does the daily access time to work structure the workers' way of life?

It certainly does. This is also the reason why

the distension of time and distances

between the workers' living place and workplace

is so much analyzed.

It has indeed been shown

that when the access time to a worker's workplace is doubled,

from 30 to 60 minutes, it is associated, for the farthest,

with a lower presence at home, minus 7% of the daily time,

with a constant time for activities outside the house.

The additional time dedicated to traveling

would thus exclusively impact

the time spent at home in a negative way.

This is not entirely accurate.

Indeed, a much greater access time to the workplace

also changes the time spent for the different daily activities.

It is indeed associated with a greater presence on the fixed workplace

and with a reduction of the times spent for other activities

such as shopping or professional meetings.

In short, the greater the access time to the workplace,

the simpler and more concentrated are the schedules

for activities outside the house on the time spent by workers at work.

The adjustments of the workers in Île-de-France

according to the access time to their workplace go beyond

those introduced earlier.

The longer a worker's access time to their workplace on a given day,

the higher the probability that they will stay at work longer

but also the higher the probability of not working on a weekday,

a specialization of the working days, the higher the probability

for the spouse to work part-time.

These statements can be verified for any social category.

More generally, they are also verified for London workers

whose time usages are similar to that of workers in Île-de-France.

As a conclusion, remember that mobility is not a sum of travels.

It is a constructed social practice

which more or less differentiates people.

People build their daily activity schedule, mobility and activities,

through arbitrations according to their physical, familial, economic,

and cognitive resources

from different institutional and territorial constraints.

The workers' way of life depends on their capacity and autonomy

to perform these arbitrations and these spatio-temporal adjustments

to build their activity schedule.

Finally, automobiles are indeed omnipresent in France

for an increasing part of the population,

Paris and its suburbs are an exception in France

but not in view of other metropolises worldwide.

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