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Une origine occidentale

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Espace mondial, une vision française des global studies

4.6 (98 notes) | 9.7K étudiants inscrits

Afin d’expliquer comment la mondialisation reconstruit les politiques publiques et les comportements sociaux nous étudions les échanges et interactions entre les acteurs politiques, économiques et sociaux -publics et privés, individuels et collectifs- et la façon dont ils redessinent les relations internationales. Ce cours prend sa source dans les approches sociologique et historique françaises des relations internationales. This course is also available in english version: www.coursera.org/learn/global-studies

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4.6 (98 notes)

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YL

Nov 27, 2015

The prof is very approachable and the course is very interesting

OO

Apr 04, 2019

Je recommande fortement cet enseignement de grande qualité.

À partir de la leçon

L’État-nation

L’État-nation est-il encore fonctionnel partout dans le monde ?

Une origine occidentale14:03

L’impossible exportation du concept15:03

Une variété d’incarnations conflictuelles14:42

Regards croisés : mondialisation et souveraineté23:37

Enseigné par

Bertrand Badie
Professor
Marie-Françoise Durand
Professor

Transcription

And now let’s move to

more classical aspects of the world,

of our present <i>Espace mondial</i>.

Let’s take into account state, power,

war, peace, international systems,

international organizations and so on…

Of course in a classical,

in a traditional vision of the world,

the concept of the state

appears as a natural cornerstone.

The state was consecrated

as the main unit

and even as an exclusive unit

of international relations,

that’s to say of interstate relations.

This seems to be obvious,

but in fact it’s much more complex.

Let’s try to make an order

in this very high complexity.

First of all,

state is not a concept easy to define.

We are inclined to consider state

as a political system and no more,

but state must be considered

as a very special political system,

with a very precise definition,

and it would be a bad method

to consider state as a general political order,

which can be applied to all the histories,

all the cultures, all the societies.

We must build the concept of state

as an historical concept, if we don’t do that,

we take the risk, we take a double risk.

The risk first, to not really understand

the specificity of articulation

politics and society in all the histories,

the politics and society

are not bound in the same way,

are not related to each other in the same way.

And the second risk,

if we have a too much general vision of state;

is to consider that state, as we know it,

as it was built in our European

and western history,

can be exported everywhere around the world,

and we know now that this was a failure.

State, if we consider it

as an historical fact, appeared in the crisis

of the European Middle Age,

it was invented

during the 13th and the 14th century

in order to contain the fragmentation

of the political and social and economic order

inside the feudal society.

State has to be considered

as a political solution to a crisis,

a very strong crisis, which took place

at the end of the feudal era.

That’s to say state is constituted

by some characteristics that are setting up

the definition we commonly give to it.

States will be considered

as a political system,

but a special political system.

That’s to say: a centered,

centralized political system,

a differentiated political system,

an institutionalized political system,

a sovereign political system

and a territorial political system.

Center, differentiation, institution,

sovereignty and territory

are the five components

of the nation state model.

Center: all the political systems

are not centralized,

if you take into account the tribal system,

the tribal system is not centralized.

If you take into account the feudal society,

feudal society was not centralized,

that’s to say that there is no necessary link

between center and politics.

State is a way of centralization,

which took place when the decentralization

of the feudal order went to collapse.

Differentiation:

this is another main characteristic

of the western state,

of the historical western state,

that’s to say separation

between private and public,

between civil society and state.

This differentiation cannot be found

in other kinds of political systems,

neither in empire nor in traditional monarchy

or traditional political order

as we find it in the traditional societies.

Institutions:

institutions that’s to say a separation

between the norms and those who are

implementing the norms,

that’s to say state must be considered

as an institutional political system,

it is quite different for instance

from a patrimonial monarchy

and patrimonial order as it was conceived

in a Weberian tradition.

Sovereignty:

that’s to say the state is sovereign,

no other power behind the state power,

this sovereignty, which is as you know

the cornerstone

of the Hobbes vision of the politics,

is founding the state.

We have in mind the great question:

what about globalization

in which a total sovereignty is not possible?

Is state able to survive

in this globalized order?

And finally territory, that’s to say,

and it appears very clearly

in the definition of the state given by Weber,

state implies a territorial order

with very precise borderlines.

This is also quite different from

other kinds of political systems,

like for instance empires.

In an empire there is no clear borderline

but there are these peripheries,

which cannot be reduced to

classical territory drawn by the borderline.

If we admit this definition,

we can clearly find the relationship

between state building

and overcoming the feudal order,

solving the political crisis

emerging from the medieval social disorder.

And that’s why I will insist

on a very important point,

the more feudal society was fragmented,

the more centralization was strong as a solution

to the deadlock of this fragmentation,

that’s to say, nowadays, those societies,

which were strongly and deeply feudalized

are now affected by a strong tradition

of a strong state.

That’s why for instance France

was considered and is still considered

as the motherland of states,

where state is developed,

where there is a strong culture of the state,

a strong separation between public and private,

and this culture of the state

which is at the very center of the French culture

is explained by the deep crisis

of a very fragmented social order

which took place in France

at the end of the Middle Age.

Now, if we consider other kinds of societies,

of European societies,

like for instance England,

England was not strongly feudalized,

and that’s why the state was never very strong

and the civil society

played a more important role

than a state, a classical state order.

And now if we move to US,

which didn’t meet the history of feudality,

we cannot find for this reason

a strong tradition of state.

I will add another point,

which is connected to this one:

that’s to say, the more a civil society

is able to be govern by itself,

the more, of course,

it will escape from the state tradition,

and the less developed the state is.

Now we have also to take into account

another aspect of this specificity, that’s to say

the cultural background of the state.

The state in his history

is clearly related to the Christian culture

as we mentioned in the last lecture,

Christianity is probably

bearing the state model,

that’s to say this conception of separateness

between temporality and spirituality,

this vision of secularism,

but also this institutional culture,

this culture of representation.

The way the church, the roman catholic church

organized itself in administration,

territorial administration,

judicial administration,

fiscal and tax administration and so on,

all these trends were imitated by the kings

and the state builders

for shaping the new nation state,

which was in creation from

the 13th and 14th centuries.

Last point which was stressed by

the great sociologist Charles Tilly

is that in the European history,

there was a very dense interaction,

interplaying, between state and war.

War making, state making,

as established Charles Tilly,

this means that the history

of the state building in Europe

is clearly connected to the war history,

and that the main features of the state

are connected to the main features of the war.

And that’s why also Hobbes stressed

that there is an interaction

between state and security.

The security function was conceived

at the very center of the state institutions,

and it is not possible to have in mind state

without having in mind security,

as we will elaborate later.

This is, Ladies and Gentlemen,

what we call the westphalian system,

which took place in the 17th century,

and which implied a new international order,

which is made of the juxtaposition of these units,

of this territorial nation states.

The question now is what about

those political systems which now

are reluctant to this model,

this implies empires.

We have some surviving empires

like China, like Russia,

which are not really conceived as states.

And what about those imported states,

which were not able to grow up

as a new political system

for instance in Africa or Asia?

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