关于本课程 为了解释全球化是如何重构公共政策和再塑社会行为，我们将研究不同的政治、经济行为体、研究各类——公共或私人，个体或集体——社会行为体，并着眼关注到它们之间的交流和互动作用，这些行为体正在重构着国际关系。 本课程以法国社会学和历史学视角来研究国际关系。同时也提供英语版本(www.coursera.org/learn/global-studies/)、法语版本(www.coursera.org/learn/espace-mondial-fr/)和阿拉伯语版本(www.coursera.org/learn/espace-mondial-ar/)。
对当今区域主义的质疑
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En provenance du cours de Sciences Po
世界空间、法国视角下的国际研究
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Bertrand BadieProfessor
Marie-Françoise DurandProfessor
[MUSIC]
We are now in a very strange moment.
Are we blocked in the third step of regional integration?
Of post war regional integration.
After traditional regionalism new regionalism we are now blocked,
when new regionalism don't work as it was expected and
traditional regionalism is more and more fading.
We can say that we meet a real crisis of regional integration.
And this crisis is not only affected Europe.
Of course, Europe is more affected than all the other parts of the world because
Europe was really bearing this new regional project, and was,
in the first time, the motor of this regional integration,
an example for all the world.
But all the regional items
are now questioned.
In one hand it's questioned through many kind
of crisis that we will take into account together.
On the other hand, regionalism is now overcome by transregionalism.
And by this new vision by which it's much more important to
cooperate when
countries share the same visions,
even though they are not neighbor, than among neighboring
countries which are not sharing the same values and the same target.
This crisis of the regional order and
regional integration it's first of all a conceptual crisis.
Now there is a kind of anarchy about regionalism.
As we are observing in the world different kinds
of regional integration, which are not similar, but
which are oriented towards different perspectives.
For instance, by now in the present world, we can observe traditional interstate
cooperation through, for instance, continual integration.
This integration is not very deep, is not very important,
it's much more an intergovernmental cooperation.
The case, for instance, with organization of American States, or
with the African Union, or the Arab League.
It's only a partial cooperation and
a limited cooperation which is not really threatening the national sovereignties.
The second one is a little bit different.
That's to say interstate corporations with precise economic targets,
that's to say no political integration but
they're willing to promote an economic integration which
is mainly based on trade and intra zone trade.
It is a case for instance of SADC which is
growing among the thousand countries of Africa.
It's also the case of NAFTA in North America.
It's the case of the SAARC in South Asia.
All these organizations are promoting this economic cooperation
without really being concerned by particle cooperation and
especially, particle integration.
The two of the one is an interstate cooperation, which is based on economy,
but which is targeting the spillover of economy to politics.
This is the case of European Union, which started with economic cooperation,
and which is promoting more and more political cooperation with the idea,
that this economic corporation as it is more and
more intensified will spill over economics to politics.
And it's also the case of many regional
corporations in Latin and South America.
And we have also a fourth category which is quite different
from all the others which is called open-regionalism
which is not organized to institutions which does not
target over a coming national sovereignty but
which is protecting national sovereignty.
But which is promoting an active but a free corporation,
bilateral corporation, inside the arena is, for instance, the case of APEC.
It's very difficult now to define how these
four models are able to coexist when they are competing.
But it's also very difficult to say which one is the winner.
The first one is an old-fashioned one and
probably not able to develop now in the global world.
But it's not quite clear that the three others are really efficient.
And this is my second point,
beyond the concept of crises are real political and
social crisis which is dramatically affecting
the regional integration process.
Ladies and gentlemen, I think that regional integration is now in crisis,
everywhere around the world, everywhere around the world.
And I will discriminate between three dimensions of this crisis.
The first one is an institutional crisis.
Regional institutions don't work anymore.
Everywhere around the world.
The second crisis is an economic crisis.
That's to say all these regional organizations are no more
able to deal with the present economic crisis.
And the third one is a kind of rebirth of nationalism.
But I would call a new nationalism which is probably
collapsing, which is attacking,
the heart of the process of regional integration.
First one, we observe everywhere around the world,
a kind of failure of the regional institutions.
This is particularly important in Europe.
You remember that Europe invested on its institutions
rather than Asian countries which were much more promoting their own integration
through economic and social dynamics.
But Europe is probably trapped by
it's institutional culture.
European Union tries to promote new institutions.
New treaties are succeeding but
are not successful.
Many of these new institutions where even rejective
by the people sovereignty when they voted through
referendum like it was the case in France.
And this is triggering in Europe a lack of confidence
among people, that's to say, a gap, a bigger and
bigger gap between European societies and institutions.
Now Europe institutions are more and more working for themselves, for
their own agents, for their own actors.
And so this gap is dangerously blocking
the process of regional integration.
This gap between social and politics is probably
the worst pathology in political development.
The second crisis now is effecting economies.
You remember that European Union was created for
reaching economic targets and for reconstructing the old continent.
Now, as Europe is meeting this very strong crisis
which started around 2007, 2008,
we observe that Europe is no more able to face this crisis for
a very simple reason, which is very important in my mind.
In that European integration was
considered as a kind of stakeholding
that's to say addition of interest.
When the context is good, when the situation is positive,
this stakeholding
Is working, and is working positively.
But when the crisis is strong,
Stakeholding is not working and
must be replaced by a real sharing.
But sharing implies to question national sovereignty.
And now Europe is confronted to this opposition
between stakeholding and sharing.
Stakeholding which is promoted by national sovereignties,
competing national sovereignties, and sharing, which implies a kind of
solidarity which would overcome national sovereignties.
And the third level of this crises must be found In this
new nationalism which is now growing in all the European countries.
In a recent polls made by Eurobarometer,
in May 2014, 59% of European
people don't trust in Europe.
And they are 81% in Greece, precisely where the economy crisis is severe.
And there are 67 in Spain and
even in Germany, 59%.
And that's why this gap between public opinion and
European institutions creates a kind
of new coming back to nations.
And which is fueling this free riding
strategy among the European governments
which are playing their own card more and more.
And this is also resulting in a new
souverainism in which regional integration
is no more conceived as a solution.
But it's more about build up as a kind of scapegoat for
taking into account the all the failures and
difficulties meet by people and public opinion.
Ladies and gentlemen,
we don't know how the future is made,
but we are now in a crucial moment.
Either people in the world are able to invent a new kind of
regional integration and they will overcome this cisis or
they're not able to do that.
And people will escape, either to this transregionalism that I mentioned or
to a new nationalism, which is probably the main
threat of the world because there is no compatibility
between national sovereignty and global order,
it is exactly what we will take into account in the next lecture.
[MUSIC]
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